Saturday, February 6, 2010

Awaken the Republic

The American Republic is alive and well, once you learn how to keep it that way

"Liberty cannot be preserved without a general knowledge among the people, who have a right, from the frame of their nature, to knowledge, as their great Creator, who does nothing in vain, has given them understandings, and a desire to know; but besides this, they have a right, an indisputable, unalienable, indefeasible, divine right to that most dreaded and envied kind of knowledge; I mean, of the characters and conduct of their rulers."
-- John Adams (Dissertation on Canon and Feudal Law, 1765)
Reference: Our Sacred Honor, Bennett, 253.

The American Republic has been subverted by the Collectivist ideology of National Socialism. The Collectivist’s ideology presented to Americans under the “progressive” mantra introduced by Theodore Roosevelt in the early days of his accidental ascendency to the Office of the President of the United States in 1901.

Theodore Roosevelt embraced the collectivist ideology of progressionism, which is to this day, the governmental program of expanding the administrative state at a dear cost to our Singular Liberties as endowed by nature’s God.

The ever-expanding reach of the State polity, challenged by Englishman dating from the Magna Carta wherein the “evil” Prince John appended his regal signature to a statutory document that for the first time limited the reach of the political state in modern western history.

The Magna Carta was signed on June 12th, 1215 under the Oak Tree at Runnymede.

Preamble: John, by the grace of God, king of England, lord of Ireland, duke of Normandy and Aquitaine, and count of Anjou, to the archbishop, bishops, abbots, earls, barons, justiciaries, foresters, sheriffs, stewards, servants, and to all his bailiffs and liege subjects, greetings. Know that, having regard to God and for the salvation of our soul, and those of all our ancestors and heirs, and unto the honor of God and the advancement of his holy Church and for the rectifying of our realm, we have granted as underwritten by advice of our venerable fathers, Stephen, archbishop of Canterbury, primate of all England and cardinal of the holy Roman Church, Henry, archbishop of Dublin, William of London, Peter of Winchester, Jocelyn of Bath and Glastonbury, Hugh of Lincoln, Walter of Worcester, William of Coventry, Benedict of Rochester, bishops; of Master Pandulf, subdeacon and member of the household of our lord the Pope, of brother Aymeric (master of the Knights of the Temple in England), and of the illustrious men William Marshal, earl of Pembroke, William, earl of Salisbury, William, earl of Warenne, William, earl of Arundel, Alan of Galloway (constable of Scotland), Waren Fitz Gerold, Peter Fitz Herbert, Hubert De Burgh (seneschal of Poitou), Hugh de Neville, Matthew Fitz Herbert, Thomas Basset, Alan Basset, Philip d'Aubigny, Robert of Roppesley, John Marshal, John Fitz Hugh, and others, our liegemen.

1. In the first place we have granted to God, and by this our present charter confirmed for us and our heirs forever that the English Church shall be free, and shall have her rights entire, and her liberties inviolate; and we will that it be thus observed; which is apparent from this that the freedom of elections, which is reckoned most important and very essential to the English Church, we, of our pure and unconstrained will, did grant, and did by our charter confirm and did obtain the ratification of the same from our lord, Pope Innocent III, before the quarrel arose between us and our barons: and this we will observe, and our will is that it be observed in good faith by our heirs forever. We have also granted to all freemen of our kingdom, for us and our heirs forever, all the underwritten liberties, to be had and held by them and their heirs, of us and our heirs forever.

The King’s of England would tolerate this statutory provision with great reluctance. Four Hundred years later, in 1689, a historical period known as the Glorious Revolution, the Parliament of England overthrew James II, and appointed William of Orange to the throne, once he accepted the English Bill of Rights of 1689. The English bill of Rights of 1689, once again statutorized the limitations of the governmental Polity.

An Act Declaring the Rights and Liberties of the Subject and Settling the Succession of the Crown
Whereas the Lords Spiritual and Temporal and Commons assembled at Westminster, lawfully, fully and freely representing all the estates of the people of this realm, did upon the thirteenth day of February in the year of our Lord one thousand six hundred eighty-eight [old style date] present unto their Majesties, then called and known by the names and style of William and Mary, prince and princess of Orange, being present in their proper persons, a certain declaration in writing made by the said Lords and Commons in the words following, viz.:
Whereas the late King James the Second, by the assistance of divers evil counsellors, judges and ministers employed by him, did endeavour to subvert and extirpate the Protestant religion and the laws and liberties of this kingdom;

By assuming and exercising a power of dispensing with and suspending of laws and the execution of laws without consent of Parliament;

Less than eighty years later, the American Colonies, populated by Englishman were suffering the insufferable reach of the governmental polity sitting in London. A governmental polity that imposed its political will regardless of the protestations moved by his Britannic Majesty’s loyal subjects in the American Colonies sitting along the western shores of the Atlantic.

So, once again, Englishman stood forth to officially protest a governmental polity that for all intense and purposes was moving under the arbitrary will of public ministers without concern to the deprivations suffered by inhabitants.

Declaration and Resolves of the First Continental Congress
OCTOBER 14, 1774

Whereas, since the close of the last war, the British parliament, claiming a power, of right, to bind the people of America by statutes in all cases whatsoever, hath, in some acts, expressly imposed taxes on them, and in others, under various presences, but in fact for the purpose of raising a revenue, hath imposed rates and duties payable in these colonies, established a board of commissioners, with unconstitutional powers, and extended the jurisdiction of courts of admiralty, not only for collecting the said duties, but for the trial of causes merely arising within the body of a county:
And whereas, in consequence of other statutes, judges, who before held only estates at will in their offices, have been made dependant on the crown alone for their salaries, and standing armies kept in times of peace: And whereas it has lately been resolved in parliament, that by force of a statute, made in the thirty-fifth year of the reign of King Henry the Eighth, colonists may be transported to England, and tried there upon accusations for treasons and misprisions, or concealments of treasons committed in the colonies, and by a late statute, such trials have been directed in cases therein mentioned:

Unfortunately, his Britannic Majesty King George III, and his ministers sitting upon the Privy Council continued their administrative plundering of the American Colonies’ liberties. There were voices in Parliament that spoke up from the floor of Parliament on behalf of the American colonies, but those voices were at first ignored.

In the spring of 1775, British General Thomas Gage sitting at his command in Boston, sent out 700 soldiers to confiscate guns and ammunition the American colonists had stored in the town of Concord, just outside of the City. This was on April 19th, 1775, wherein English Men, under the smoke of fired Muskets first stood as Americans on the Lexington Green, to stop what they recognized as the corrupted acts of the King and his ministers.

Over the next 16th months, the United Colonies of America attempted to settle this civil dispute to no avail with the King and his Ministers. Finally, the Thirteen United Colonies of America took the unprecedented step and issued the Unanimous Declaration of the thirteen united State of America on July 4th, 1776:


The unanimous Declaration of the thirteen united States of America

When in the Course of human events it becomes necessary for one people to dissolve the political bands which have connected them with another and to assume among the powers of the earth, the separate and equal station to which the Laws of Nature and of Nature's God entitle them, a decent respect to the opinions of mankind requires that they should declare the causes which impel them to the separation.

During the pendency of this civil war, the Continental Congress set as the unified voice of the thirteen united States of America. Under this authority, the Continental Congress submitted to the States for ratifications the Articles of Confederation and Perpetual Union, which was unanimously adopted when Maryland became the final state granting its consent in March of 1781.

The Articles of Confederation and Perpetual Union constitutionally constituted a confederation known as the United States of America.

To all to whom these Presents shall come, we the undersigned Delegates of the States affixed to our Names send greeting.
Articles of Confederation and perpetual Union between the states of New Hampshire, Massachusetts-bay Rhode Island and Providence Plantations, Connecticut, New York, New Jersey, Pennsylvania, Delaware, Maryland, Virginia, North Carolina, South Carolina and Georgia.
The Stile of this Confederacy shall be

"The United States of America".

Each state retains its sovereignty, freedom, and independence, and every power, jurisdiction, and right, which is not by this Confederation expressly delegated to the United States, in Congress assembled.

The said States hereby severally enter into a firm league of friendship with each other, for their common defense, the security of their liberties, and their mutual and general welfare, binding themselves to assist each other, against all force offered to, or attacks made upon them, or any of them, on account of religion, sovereignty, trade, or any other pretense whatever.

The better to secure and perpetuate mutual friendship and intercourse among the people of the different States in this Union, the free inhabitants of each of these States, paupers, vagabonds, and fugitives from justice excepted, shall be entitled to all privileges and immunities of free citizens in the several States; and the people of each State shall free ingress and regress to and from any other State, and shall enjoy therein all the privileges of trade and commerce, subject to the same duties, impositions, and restrictions as the inhabitants thereof respectively, provided that such restrictions shall not extend so far as to prevent the removal of property imported into any State, to any other State, of which the owner is an inhabitant; provided also that no imposition, duties or restriction shall be laid by any State, on the property of the United States, or either of them.

The United States was empowered to be the Agency of the United States of America. This agency ran afoul of poor finances during the pendency of the “Revolutionary” War, wherein by the mid 1780’s bankruptcy loomed, for the United State had no revenue sources of its own. The Articles of Confederation and Perpetual Union left the United States dependent upon the good will of the States for its fiscal standing.

The Annapolis Convention issued a call for a Constitutional Convention to amend the Articles of Confederation and Perpetual Union. The Convention was to be held in the spring of 1787 in Philadelphia.

The result of the Convention in Philadelphia was the presentment to the United States of America, the Constitution of the United States on September 17th, 1787. Over the coming months, a continental debate arose over the changes that would result under the adoption of this Constitution of the United States for the United States of America. One source of the debates is s the Federalist Papers. The Federalist Papers were a series of commentaries apparently written by Alexander Hamilton, James Madison, and John Jay. These commentaries about the adoption of the Constitution of the United States appeared in the News Papers of the day debating the pros and cons of adopting this Constitution for the United States of America.

One result of the political debate about the Ratification of the Constitution of the United States for the United States of America was the adoption of the first ten amendments, which are to this day, known as the “Bill of Rights”. The first ten amendments were reminiscent of the English Bill of Rights When one reads these two documents, they will readily recognize that both statutory acts imposed a constitutional limitation upon the reach of the governmental ministry.
Bill of Rights

Amendment I

Congress shall make no law respecting an establishment of religion, or prohibiting the free exercise thereof; or abridging the freedom of speech, or of the press; or the right of the people peaceably to assemble, and to petition the government for a redress of grievances.

Amendment II

A well regulated militia, being necessary to the security of a free state, the right of the people to keep and bear arms, shall not be infringed.

Amendment III

No soldier shall, in time of peace be quartered in any house, without the consent of the owner, nor in time of war, but in a manner to be prescribed by law.

Amendment IV

The right of the people to be secure in their persons, houses, papers, and effects, against unreasonable searches and seizures, shall not be violated, and no warrants shall issue, but upon probable cause, supported by oath or affirmation, and particularly describing the place to be searched, and the persons or things to be seized.

Amendment V

No person shall be held to answer for a capital, or otherwise infamous crime, unless on a presentment or indictment of a grand jury, except in cases arising in the land or naval forces, or in the militia, when in actual service in time of war or public danger; nor shall any person be subject for the same offense to be twice put in jeopardy of life or limb; nor shall be compelled in any criminal case to be a witness against himself, nor be deprived of life, liberty, or property, without due process of law; nor shall private property be taken for public use, without just compensation.

Amendment VI

In all criminal prosecutions, the accused shall enjoy the right to a speedy and public trial, by an impartial jury of the state and district wherein the crime shall have been committed, which district shall have been previously ascertained by law, and to be informed of the nature and cause of the accusation; to be confronted with the witnesses against him; to have compulsory process for obtaining witnesses in his favor, and to have the assistance of counsel for his defense.

Amendment VII

In suits at common law, where the value in controversy shall exceed twenty dollars, the right of trial by jury shall be preserved, and no fact tried by a jury, shall be otherwise reexamined in any court of the United States, than according to the rules of the common law.

Amendment VIII

Excessive bail shall not be required, nor excessive fines imposed, nor cruel and unusual punishments inflicted.

Amendment IX

The enumeration in the Constitution, of certain rights, shall not be construed to deny or disparage others retained by the people.

Amendment X

The powers not delegated to the United States by the Constitution, nor prohibited by it to the states, are reserved to the states respectively, or to the people.

It is unfortunate that we here in America this day suffer the insufferable ministration of a collectivist system of governance. We live in an America where the elected political class willingly tramples its known constitutional imitations, which improperly empowers their appointed political bureaucrats’ imposition of a “public policy”

This arrogance of constitutional usurpation by the public actors that sit under the State and Federal Capitol Dome, is a direct result of over 109 years of progressive politics, which is the collectivist ideal of National Socialism.

This collectivist governance is dependent upon its administrative control of the educational system. The collectivist educational system has willingly and intentionally failed to properly address the history of America in the classroom at any level of the publicly controlled education process.

In fact the collectivist, have promoted the dystopian ideology of progressionism, which empowers an administrative state populated by appointed political bureaucrats whose concern is the thirty-first year when the Pension kicks in.

This deliberated failure to share the richness of America’s history in the governmentally controlled education system has empowered a dysfunctional understanding as to the constitutionally constituted limitation of the elected and appointed political bureaucrats that sit in the offices of the public trust at the State and Federal Level.

We need to reign in the political malfeasance of the elected and appointed political bureaucracy by learning how to constitutionally curtail their improper usage of the administrative authority. The collectivist state of administrative authority knowingly imposes a system of legislative plunder that lies in equity in defiance to constitutional law.

This system of legislative plunder lies well in equity, as the politically elected and appointed bureaucracy know well there is no constitutional lawfulness that authenticates their legislative largess.

We have one choice here in America, and that is to awaken from over one hundred years of historical slumber, and learn how to substantiate our liberties as endowed by Nature’s God. We need to let the elected officials, who populate the state and federal legislatures, know that America is a Constitutional Republic and not the democracy that they claim it may be

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